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Four arguable issues associated with CAA accept been actively debated in Parliament and in accessible discussions. In adjustment to accept the official positions and absolution accustomed by the [Narendra Modi] government on these issues, we appraise the 2019 Address of the Joint Parliamentary Committee on the Citizenship Alteration Bill 2016 (JPC Report). This address introduces us to those technical-legal points, which accord to the political arguments of the cardinal party. 

The alternative of three Muslim-majority countries to analyze the afflicted non-Muslim minorities is the aboriginal analytical question. The admittance of Afghanistan in this annual looks absolutely strange. Pakistan and Bangladesh were the aftereffect of the two partitions of the subcontinent in 1947 and 1971, which led to massive clearing of population. These countries additionally allotment borders with India, which makes the catechism of actionable clearing politically relevant. However, the case of Afghanistan is different. It does not allotment borders with India and it did not accept any absolute political-historical chain with the Indian republic. 



Although the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA)did not spell out its acknowledged archetype for selecting three specific cases, the official acknowledgment revolved about the abstraction of religious animality of religious minorities in these Muslim countries. This absolution was additionally invoked to rationalize the admittance of Afghanistan in this list. The JPC address antiseptic that ”a cardinal of bodies acceptance to boyhood communities in Afghanistan accept additionally appear to India on annual of religious animality or abhorrence of religious persecution. Hence, it was absitively to accommodate Afghanistan’ in the ambit. This religious animality of non-Muslims was additionally credible in affiliation to the added Indian absorption in Afghanistan, as the address asserted that “there accept been assorted attacks adjoin Indian interests in Afghanistan by the Pakistan…sponsored LET, Haqqani Network and Taliban’, hence…minority communities are adverse …atrocities due to their Indian origin”.

The MHA, however, accent that it did not avoid the plight of minorities in added neighbouring countries such as Sri Lanka and Myanmar. The address emphasised that the government followed a Standard Operating Action (SOP) aback 2011 for ambidextrous with adopted nationals. The SPO, therefore, was a acknowledged action accessible to all refugees in India, acceptance them to abide in India as acknowledged immigrant. These individuals may administer for Indian citizenship as per the rules spelt out in the Citizenship Act 1955.



In added words, there are six non-Muslim religious minorities (Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains, Parsis or Christians) of three Muslim countries (Afghanistan, Bangladesh or Pakistan)who areseparated from the others migrants. However, these six minorities do not become Indian citizens alone on the base of religious persecution. The Aldermanic Department of the Ministry of Law addendum that the CAA “does not anon advise citizenship on these bodies (…) it alone provides (…) the befalling to be advised for the admission of affidavit of naturalisation”.

The CAA enables the actionable migrants acceptance to six defined communities from Afghanistan, Pakistan and Bangladesh to administer for Indian Citizenship in two categories, Registration [Section 5 (1) (a)] and Naturalisation (Section 6). For this purpose, the Third Schedule of 1955 Act was additionally adapted to abate the abode claim from eleven to bristles years. It artlessly agency that the six non-Muslim minorities are accustomed a accurate affectionate of alleviation beneath the CAA. 

Also read: Modi is sailing bland now, but history won’t be affectionate to him

The CAA 2019 does not use the appellation “minority”. Instead, it identifies six-non-Muslim communities. The allotment of communities on religious base absolutely goes adjoin the accustomed Constitution principles. The Constitution introduces agreement such as minority, Schedule Degree (SC) and Scheduled Tribe (ST) as civilian authoritative categories. For instance, if a amusing accumulation is culturally/religiously/linguistically audible and numerically inferior, it ability be recognised as a “minority”.

If a amusing accumulation had accomplished degree bigotry and/or untouchability in the past, it would be included in the ‘Scheduled Castes’ list. And, aboriginal communities or tribes are to be clearly recognised as ‘Scheduled Tribes’. Aback minority, SCs, and STs (and afterwards the Added Backward Classes, the OBCs) are conceived as open, secular, authoritative templates, no amusing group, technically speaking, would become a abiding basic of these official-secular classifications.

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The JPC address additionally highlights this point. In fact, a built-in able criticised the CAA for not appliance the announcement minority, arguing that:

If you appetite to be on the safer side, we would accept to omit advertence to religions like Hindus, Sikhs, Parsis etc. (…) if we use the appellation ‘persecuted minorities’ the purpose would be served. As compared to communities, minorities would conceivably be added advantageous from the acknowledged and built-in point of view.

The Aldermanic Department, however, did not subscribe to this appearance and justified the use of religious categories: 

Using afflicted minorities from the neighbouring countries instead of its accustomed anatomy may abate the objectives of the Bill. As there is a achievability for added abuttals of interpretation, it may be construed to accommodate added communities (religious or otherwise). Moreover, the aspect of ‘religious persecution’ would additionally be absent afterimage of.

It is accessible actuality that the official purpose of the CAA is to accommodate angary to the abstraction of religious persecution. Interestingly, however, the appellation religious animality is not included in the final argument of the CAA, 2019. This cardinal blooper requires some explanation. The action to achieve the CAA, we charge remember, began with an official notification issued in 2015. The six non-Muslim communities were accustomed acceptance alleviation by alteration the Acceptance rules. The appellation religious animality was invoked in this notification as a acknowledged appeal in aegis of the amendment.

The MHA and the Aldermanic Department angrily argued that the CAA was based on the archive notification of 2015, appropriately there was no charge to use the appellation religious animality in the argument of CAA. The JPC accustomed this rather ambiguous account and did not ask a acute aftereffect question: if religious animality could be acclimated in an official authoritative adjustment as a acknowledged plea, why couldn’t it be accommodated in the argument of the bill presented for aldermanic scrutiny? 

Also read: 93% Muslims appearance Hindus favourably, but alone 65% Hindus appearance Muslims positively: Pew survey

The CAA excludes Muslims in two ways. It highlights the animality of non-Muslims in neighbouring Muslim countries and, at the aforementioned time, does not accommodate Muslims in the annual of adopted migrants. This exclusion is credible as a abuse of Commodity 14 (equality afore law) and Commodity 25 (Freedom of religion). The JPC additionally aloft this question. The Aldermanic Department, however, fabricated two ample arguments in defence of the built-in authority of the CAA. First, it said the law was justified on the base of a acknowledged commodity alleged reasonable classification.

According to this doctrine, if there is a appropriate law that is applicative alone to a assertive sections/groups, the cloister is advantaged to ‘enquire whether the allocation is founded on a reasonable basis…or is arbitrary’ (Emphasis added). The acumen of classification, in this sense, can alone be questioned if a law violates the rights of added persons/communities, which are alfresco the abuttals of its acknowledged ambit. The allocation of migrants into afflicted minorities and others, by this logic, is alleged reasonable because it does not affect the rights of Muslim citizens in India. 

Second, the Aldermanic Department said the CAA was additionally justified on the base of abandon of adoration (Art 25). It argued that this law aims to assure the religious rights of afflicted minorities gluttonous Indian citizenship. At the aforementioned time, it does not accept any appulse on the appropriate to adoration and adoration of added Indian citizens, including Muslims. This band of acumen absolutely finds a bright political association in the speeches of BJP leaders. 

This acknowledged defence of the CAA as a appropriate law becomes bizarre aback it is apprehend in affiliation to NCR and NPR. As already explained, NCR and NPR are inseparable capacity of the accustomed acknowledged framework of Indian citizenship. The allocation of accepted association into citizens and ambiguous bodies gets a radically altered estimation afterwards the achievement of the CAA. It is important to bethink that clashing the NPR 2010 exercise, NPR 2020 aims to aggregate added abstracts such as Aadhaar agenda cardinal and parents’ birthplace. It is binding for the accepted association to accommodate this information. However, if a citizen fails to abide acceptable abstracts to the NPR officials, including the affidavit that his/her parents were/are Indian citizens, his/her citizenship may become doubtful. He/she would be listed in the ‘D’ class of the proposed NRC.

The government has not yet acquired any apparatus to accord with such cases. The CAA offers a bright cut acknowledgment to these ambiguities. It is easier for a ambiguous Hindu, Jain, Sikh, Parsi, Buddhist and Christian person/resident to administer for Indian citizenship alike if he/she does not accept acceptable documents. He/she may absolve his/her appliance by citation the appellation religious persecution. However, a ambiguous Muslim would eventually be advised as a greenhorn as he/she is afar from the list.  

Although Prime Minister Modi absolutely denied any accord amid CAA and the NRC-NPR, Home Minister Amit Shah explained the CAA-NRC-NPR agenda in his assorted speeches and interviews. He said:

first we will canyon the Citizenship Alteration bill and ensure that all the refugees from the neighbouring nations get the Indian citizenship. Afterwards that, NRC will be fabricated and we will ascertain and deport every burglar from our motherland.

In addition interview, he antiseptic that the purpose of the CAA and NRC was to accord with the botheration of infiltrators at the civic level:

all the Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist, Christians, they will get citizenship (…) We appetite to airing up to them and accord them citizenship. They wouldn’t be asked for any documents

Shah’s political account of the CAA-NRC-NPR absolutely goes adjoin the legal-technical arguments presented by the MHA to JPC. In the accomplishments of this credible political clarification, the acknowledged acumen invoked by the MHA to avert CAA (as a appropriate law that deals with a appropriate accumulation of people—persecuted minority) becomes absolutely irrelevant.   

Also read: Assam’s old 1970s acerbity aback with Citizenship Act. This time for a new, adolescent generation

As acicular out earlier, the Assam Accord has been an important political abnormality that redefines the contours of citizenship framework in India. The CAA, broadly speaking, goes adjoin the spirit of the Assam Accord in two ways: it modifies the absolute date from 1971 to 2014; and at the aforementioned time, makes a acumen amid Muslim and non-Muslim migrants. These changes action an befalling to non-Muslim migrants of Bangladesh to administer for Indian citizenship alike if they had entered the accompaniment of Assam afterwards 1971. The JPC, it appears, dealt with this affair cautiously and asked the government to account the sentiments of the bodies of Assam and the North-east: 

The Committee feel that in appearance of the anxieties and apropos bidding by the civilian association groups in Assam and added North-Eastern States, the Accompaniment and Central Governments should codify rules and regulations beneath this Clause (6A) to ensure that the identities of aboriginal peoples are not threatened in any way by adventitious after-effects of the Citizenship Bill. 

The final adaptation of the CAA, it seems, accommodated these suggestions. Section 3(4) of the new Law makes it bright that the changes alien by the new alteration will not administer to ‘tribal breadth of Assam, Meghalaya, Mizoram or Tripura…and the breadth covered beneath The Inner Line’.

This edited extract has been appear with the permission of The French Institute of International Relations. The abounding commodity can be apprehend here.

Views are personal.

Also read: India’s adolescent no best charmed by Modi. Blame abridgement and ideology

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